Guest Article - Voting For WZO (Eretz Hakodesh) - The Only Honest And Comprehensive Analysis

Chapter 1

The Chafetz Chaim's issur

In the 1920s, Klal Yisroel was in flux. Life in Russia, the center of Judaism, had just undergone an upheaval, with all institutions defunct.

Out of the ashes, various organizations attempted to step in the breach. The plan here was not limited to the benefit of their members, each of them wished to adopt the leadership of Klal Yisroel. They saw Klal Yisroel and their energy, messiras nefesh, and hopes, and wished to harness that to their ideals. Zionism was a real option, as difficult as it is to see from our perspective. People were desperate for freedom, and saw how this movement promised them the moon. Of course, the flip side was that Zionist leaders were almost all non-frum or even anti-frum, and the frum perspective was barely tolerated.

Gedolei Yisroel attempted to rebuild Klal Yisroel through Agudas Yisroel, Yeshivos, and newly built Kehillos, in Poland, in direct opposition to the Zionist dream. The dream of Zionism was seductive, both Jewish and universal at the same time, and promised great returns. Klal Yisroel was in serious danger from their movement, and Agudas Yisroel was founded in order to organize those that wished to keep Torah as they always had. They had no problem with building Eretz Yisroel, encouraging aliyah, or taking care of social issues, but the central focus, according to the Litvishe Gedolim, was Yeshivos and Torah.

When the Zionist movement realized that Agudas Yisroel was a formidable force, they attempted to have them enter the umbrella of their organization, granting them control over Yeshivos and access to the energy, hopes, and messiras nefesh of the Charedim of the time. In return, the Yeshivos would be supported by the general public who preferred Zionism to Torah.

Although the Litvishe mindset was always against parochialism and narrow parties, and the idea of separatism was anathema to them, the Gedolim transcended this belief and refused to join this organization, even at the price of the support of Yeshivos.

The idea that the Chafetz Chaim's pesak has any bearing on the world nowadays, is only possible if someone doesn't understand why he ever forbade it in the first place. Unfortunately, seeing as we have no written pesak from him, nor any clear mesorah about it (someone who was about 10 when Reb Aaron was niftar is not a source for anything, especially when he too is not really quoting his words), people have this mistaken idea that there was a 'technical' issur of joining an organization called the WZO, which flies in the face of everything Gedolei Yisroel have written about the topic of התחברות לרשעים, including Reb Chaim Ozer, the Chazon Ish, and the actions of all talmidei chachamim in all countries of our galus.

Now, we have a vote in front of us. Nobody is asking us or our mosdos to submit to their authority, and there is no sugya of uniting Klal Yisroel under one authority. Zionism exists as it is, and is not at any crossroads. Voting means having a voice in how a charity foundation distributes its money. Either we have a voice or we don't. Nothing more than that.

Chapter 2

The Board of Rabbis

Some have hung their hat on the issur on joining the Synagogue Council of America and the New York Board of Rabbis. This was an attempt to unite the Rabbis of all streams of Judaism as one.

Reb Aaron Kotler with another 10 Roshei Yeshiva firmly forbade it, and Reb Moshe has a teshuva about it. American Jewry at the time was still undefined, and people considered all three 'streams' as legitimate. Just like most of us see different chassidus or darkei halimud as equally legitimate, even as we push our own beliefs. Orthodox Shuls were turning Conservative at a frightening rate, and the lines were quite blurred.

On this backdrop, the Gedolim attempted to create consensus about the borders of acceptability in Orthodox Judaism. Although many people may not be yeshivaleit, they still keep mitzvos, and they could not rely on people's kanna'us to keep them away from the heretical ideas of heterodoxy. Joining an organization that represents Rabbis and includes 'rabbis' like the conservative and reform clergypeople is a blurring of those lines.

For various reasons, full consensus could not be reached, as the RCA and Rav Soloveichik did not come on board. It is difficult to assess the outcome of this lack of achdus and failure to set the fence's parameters. On the one hand, the heterodoxical movements did not really affect orthodoxy as a belief system. But individuals were surely confused about this, and we cannot know how many Orthodox organizations lost members and had to close down because of this.

However, this too was not a technical issur of התחברות לרשעים, there was a clear objective and issue in front of them, and the prohibition was based on these considerations. Rav Soloveichik had a point when he did not wish to write Yidden out of Klal Yisroel, even if they were not religious. Nobody thought he was a rasha or avaryan for his disagreement, they were merely upset with him for not joining them in their campaign.

Again, this has nothing to do with the matter at hand. At stake here is the board of a large charity fund and how to distribute it. We can either control that money and steer it to pro-Torah ideals, or we can allow it to reach anti-Torah actions and plans.

Chapter 3

The danger today

In recent years, the reform movement has become less and less relevant to Jews. Their adoption of leftist ideals as their primary religion has locked out half of their constituency, and their lack of true ideals has rendered them unimportant to their own base. Americans rarely live their 'shitta', and will never get excited about anything that is not food or a ball flying through the air.

Israelis, on the other hand, are idealistic and driven. Their energy spells a future and their army service grants them energy and drive that is unmatched in the US. If the reform movement could harness that to their train, they believe they can revitalize their dead movement.

But Israelis are not as foolish as Americans, and it is hard to sell watered-down pap like the reform religion to crusty sabras. The reform movement needed to get in at the ground floor, and have been laying the groundwork for years. First, they needed to get into schools and universities. So far, the only Judaism the secular Israeli recognizes is Torah Judaism. Now, they will see reform as an alternative. Reform religion doesn't have the baggage of corrupt politicians and lack of army service that Torah Judaism has, and Israelis may accept it, even though they know it stands for nothing.

Another plan of the reform movement is to control the message in the US. When Zionist organizations take Americans for a trip to Israel, they need to be sure that they are only inspired sufficiently to revitalize their connection to their reform temple, not anything else. By controlling those trips and ensuring they see IDF bases, night clubs, factories, and the few reform temples Israel has to offer, they limit the chance that the Israel trip will backfire.

The WZO money was a means to this end, as they will control the purse strings to push their agenda and approve their plans.

The Modern Orthodox communities, at least the idealistic among them, see the reform threat for what it is. Although reform Judaism isn't infiltrating Cheder Ohr Torah or Orchos Chaim in Lakewood, they are a factor in 'out-of-town' communities, and those with a connection to Eretz Yisroel starkly perceive this danger. Rabbi Pesach Lerner is almost singlehandedly credited with the prevention of female Rabbis' infiltration into the MO orbit, and he is a true fighter of their community.

Eretz Hakodesh is their way of fighting back. Their delegates are far from a serious minority, let alone a majority, in the WZO Board. But they have gently steered the decisions in our favor. No rational person will expect them to achieve total utopia, but if visitors to Israel go to the Kosel during their trip, that is an achievement. If money is directed to helping Chutzniks in EY, including seminaries and Yeshivos, that is an achievement. If the message of the WZO can include some Judaism, that is an achievement. And these are all steps in the right direction.

Chapter 4

Money without the court

However, the underlying issue here, that has not been discussed, is the source of most of the problems facing Charedim in Eretz Yisroel. This is the Bagatz. The Supreme Court in Israel is quite powerful and quite leftist in orientation. Of course, as Torah Jews, neither the 'right' nor the 'left' represent us. But the leftist orientation of the court does not allow many Charedi initiatives to survive, including, but not limited to, the ability for a person to learn Torah instead of going to the army. The WZO does not directly influence the court, but has two distinct features that could help us in these battles.

First, the Supreme Court controls the government's purse. If a Charedi town is proposed, or a security measure that will benefit all Jews, the progressive court is likely to overthrow it as discriminatory. WZO is not subject to the court's oversight, and can do what its board decides. This means that many initiatives that would not withstand court scrutiny can be undertaken. Additionally, the WZO can control the public discourse, and the reform movement is by and large against the judicial reform that might currently rescue our brothers in EY from the draft. Controlling those purse strings means preventing money from being used for demonstrations and other activities that would limit this reform.

There are more benefits to voting, but the basic idea is that the WZO has power and influence over Yidden, and we either exert influence or cede the ground. As Reb Reuven Grozovsky writes in Be'ayos Hazman, the job of the Aguda is to join the boards of local organizations to ensure that they are not detrimental to Torah ideals.

Chapter 5

Signing the Declaration

Some have claimed that voting in the WZO elections entails declaring belief in the Jerusalem Program, which is the central mission statement of the WZO and its purpose, which is heretical and forbidden.

This may be an issue, but let us examine the historical context of this question. Since our migration to the West and the full emancipation of Klal Yisroel, has this question not come up time and time again? Did our ancestors and Rebbeim not pursue US citizenship, including pledging allegiance to the heretical ideas of freedom and democracy? Do our Yeshivos not declare their egalitarian status, accepting people whose lifestyles and beliefs are anathema to us? Do we not vote and participate in governmental bodies where our representatives must pledge allegiance daily? Do the Chavrei Knesset not have to swear to uphold the Zionist’s laws, even when they are not based on Torah?

This question has been decided already, through countless decisions of Gedolei Yisroel. This is especially true regarding Zionism. When the Steipler was asked about acquiescing to Avoda Zara by voting in the Israeli elections, his answer was that the belief in the State of Israel as aschalta dige’ula is not heretical, it is merely a mistake. A person who believes so is not a rasha and there is no heter to speak Lashon Hara about him. The Jerusalem Program is no different.

Let us examine the program and find the heresy involved.

They believe in the unity of the Jewish people and its bond to Eretz Yisroel with the centrality (whatever that means) of the State of Israel and Jerusalem its capital.

No heresy there.

They believe in strengthening the State, striving for peace, ensuring the future of the Jewish people, nurturing mutual Jewish responsibility, and settling the country.

Still no heresy.

They believe in encouraging recruitment and service in the IDF, as well as encouraging National Service for those exempt by law.

This may not be our opinion, but it is certainly not heresy. Our Rebbeim taught us that learning Torah is more important than serving in the IDF. How are they contradictory?

Of course, we can nitpick and find heresy wherever we look. But as long as we don’t live our lives like that, signing forms and accepting agreements without such nitpicking, there is no reason to treat this Program any differently.

Chapter 6

Who are they?

Some have brought up another, more relevant, issue.

We are being encouraged to vote for a slate of people whom we do not know. In the Israeli elections, people vote with the understanding that Gedolei Yisroel have veto power over the actions and statements of the MKs, and our trust is in their decisions. In this case, no Gedolim have declared responsibility over their actions, and the delegates are not Gedolei Yisroel themselves. Some live with different beliefs to us.

Fortunately, this question too has been decided many times in history. Agudas Yisroel was founded as an answer to Mizrachi, and refused to join them when offered to do so in 1937. Yet, in any town in Israel where an Agudah slate could not run, it was always self-understood that Charedim vote for Mizrachi. This was in Ramat Gan, Yerucham, Kfar Chassidim, and many other towns in Israel. Yes, the Mizrachi did not submit themselves to our Gedolim. But we vote for the best slate that we can.

If Agudas Yisroel was running a slate, we would vote for them. But now that they are not, we must vote for whomever is most likely to represent the closest to our interests.

No, not everything that is decided in the next World Zionist Congress will be to our liking. But the difference between their decisions with our input and without is immeasurable. And that should be our only agenda.